What is the difference between old despotism and new despotism

But many have hardened into something very different from liberal democracy: what the eminent political thinker John Keane describes as a new form of despotism. And one day, he warns, we may be more like them. Drawing on extensive travels, interviews, and a lifetime of thinking about democracy and its enemies, Keane shows how governments from Russia and China through Central Asia to the Middle East and Europe have mastered a formidable combination of political tools that threaten the established ideals and practices of power-sharing democracy.

A key feature of the new despotism is its quietness. It seems to me that being quiet is important for the state of ambiguity to perpetuate itself. If people get together, they will compare notes; they will exchange stories.

Isolation here conceived of before the widespread lockdown in response to COVID , especially in the company of small material comforts, probably nourishes self-congratulation and self-regard. The insights outlined above, while not exhaustive, are indicative of the outstanding contribution that this book makes. This book will undoubtedly shift the analytical lens through which we view despotic regimes.

Why is this important? If Keane is correct that the new despotism is more flexible, subtle and efficient than we had suspected 24 , then it can overcome various crises. As such, the new despotism is less prone to implosions reminiscent of the Soviet Union or breakdowns as witnessed in Latin America. If it is that durable, it constitutes an attractive alternative to liberal democracy.

This means that the self-regard, the feeling of invincibility and the arguable complacency of such democracies are misplaced. You have been warned. Dr Gergana Dimova is an associate lecturer at the University of Winchester. Search for:. Dr Gergana Dimova June 30th, About the author Dr Gergana Dimova. Leave a Reply Cancel reply. Related Posts Africa and the Middle East. Smaller and newer democracies are falling victim to despotism around the globe under the influence of rising global powers.

Meanwhile, even long-established democracies like the United States, the United Kingdom and many European countries are losing credibility faced with these despotic regimes. Asked about how to withstand the coming onslaught and rebut arguments against our systems of government, he suggested that democracies clear their own Augean stables of growing inequality and corruption, for example through effective corruption watchdogs and institutionalised recognition of indigenous rights.

Every despot is different, from foghorn extremes to subtle local variants. Keane includes a wide array of countries in the category, from Turkey and Iran to Brunei and Singapore, with particular attention paid to China and Russia. There is no single definition offered for this protean concept. Despotism, argues Keane, makes a virtue of avoiding the divisions and conflict of democracy. Despots emphasise national character, the unity possible under a single ruler.

They offer ultra-modern states, keen to be seen as more efficient than democracies, more responsive to popular opinion. Rulers present themselves as voices of the people, ruling in their name. Despots use public-opinion surveys to understand popular moods, and tame media to lead public discussion. Violence is always the implicit threat, but the aim is stability. What despots want, above all, is voluntary servitude. This many achieve, ruling through seduction rather than terror.

Across the globe, Keane reports the willingness of citizens to surrender political involvement for a quiet life. In particular, argues Keane, the middle class proves fickle about democratic principles. It can be bought with good services, cash payments, and being left alone. Older political theory expected a prosperous middle class to demand representation.

Yet any assumed link between a bourgeoisie, capitalism, and democracy is daily disproved around the world. This proves hard to deliver, since despotic regimes are rarely open or accessible to independent research. So there is less Machiavelli than Montesquieu or Tocqueville, intelligent observers trying to make sense of the gap between form and substance in every despotic state. Despots embrace many of the outward symbols of accountable and legitimate democracy.

They use elections to test the public mood and identify potential opponents. Such contests are rarely free or fair. Despots proclaim the rule of law, yet everyone understands that courts can be manipulated by corruption or by the state using the law to close down its enemies.

Despots promote social media to ensure lively public discussions yet just out of sight wait the censors, those cyber units that influence opinion, release disinformation, discredit other voices, and silence unwanted conversations. There are armies of Winston Smiths from , trained to create a simulacrum of free speech. Hence the claim of novelty. Should neighbouring democracies prove robust, they can be disrupted by the same cyber units developed for domestic control.

The New Despotism is important because it brings an acute understanding of democracy to focus on its potential fate. The first chapter in particular is a tour de force about the overly optimistic reading of the future after , when democracy briefly became the dominant form of government around the world, only to slide away in many states.

Keane argues that this was not just an unsuccessful transition to democracy. It was instead a reaction to the perceived failure of democracy, the inefficiencies associated with party competition, the cynicism of people who see around them high levels of inequality, poor leadership, the hollowing of social life, dark money in elections, cuts to public services and repressive responses to terrorism.

At some point, the promise of strong government and order through despotism becomes attractive. And so a book on despotism completes its circuit, starting and finishing with democracy.

If nations committed to popular rule do not address internal deficiencies, they risk populism and illiberal movements. Despotism is not the opposite of democracy, but a parasite that resides within, waiting for its opportunity.

Will Keane succeed in reviving the concept of despotism? Though boundaries blur and a single definition remains elusive, he makes a strong case in The New Despotism for the urgent need to understand this global trend.

Keane offers not just a lively argument with numerous examples, and a rich assembly of sources through detailed endnotes, but also a writing style that commands attention. The analysis embraces a poetics of power, offering cumulatively a description as dark as Machiavelli on principalities.

Here is no historical portrait but our times made stark. Democracy may once again become rare in a world dominated by despotic empires with no commitment to the rule of law. As John Keane, scholar of democracy, asks in his final sentence: is despotism our future? It is a disturbing but pressing question from a major new study. Originally published on Australian Book Review. I read this initially thinking it was a belated usage of despotism in contrast with new and figured this will be an interested if not quick read.

Despite its austere cover I was smacked with an uncomfortable feeling when Singapore current citizen was mentioned. I veered from shifting in my seat to being wide eyed slack jawed as Mr Keane recounted the many ways power has been manipulated and renewed with recombinant strands to purchase the hearts and minds of those in subject. I swore many times in the book, even though he could be mentioning other countries tactics in charming the populace into thinking those in power knew best.

He was speaking also about Singapore. The horror is that we knew we were accomplices to capitulating our freedom for thoughts and destinies in life to those who purports to know best -and for the harmonious living and the selected preservation of traditional ways of life. Legacies, hubris, disconnect contributes to those in power finding and maintaining their acolytes and promoting themselves in continued elevation.

As Mr Keane also mentioned towards the end of the book how this insidious connivance has handshaked itself with co-operations, democracies. I wonder if the technological marvels of curated consumerist culture is another despotism cloaking itself.

I hope to find a sliver of hope in how we could better manage ourselves despite our limited bandwith for decision making when they are served to citizens with a smile and palm shushing us quiet. Part humor part expository and all devastating, this has been quite a read and much appreciated for a renewed lens.